In 1893, the Arya Samaj split on the two issues of meat-eating vs vegetarianism and Anglicized vs Sanskrit-based education. The moderate 'College' faction led by Hans Raj and Lajpat Rai hence forward concentrated on building up a chain of 'Dayanand Anglo-Vedic' colleges, and also developed a somewhat sporadic interest in Congress politics as well as a more sustained involvement in swadeshi enterprise. The more openly revivalist and militant 'Gurukul' faction founded by Lekh Ram and Munshi Ram started the Hardwar Gurukul in 1902 (unaffiliated to the official educational system, unlike the D.A.V. and based on principles of brahmacharya and Vedic training). They emphasized proselytization through paid preachers and shuddhi.

Tilak was of the view that foreign rulers had no right to interfere with religious and social customs and so was against the legislation.

• Phadke have been influenced by Ranade's lectures on drain of wealth, the experience of the Deccan famine of 1876-77, and the growing Hindu revivalist mood among Poona intellectuals.
• In an autobiographical fragment written while hiding from the police in a temple, Phadke later recalled how he had thought of reestablishing a Hindu Raj by collecting together a secret band, raising money through dacoities, and instigating an armed revolt through disrupting communications.
• 'There is much ill-feeling among the people and now if a few make a beginning those who are hungry will join.'
• Much of this clearly anticipates later revolutionary terrorism.
• What is remarkable, however, is that Phadke's band of forty included a few Brahman youths and many more low caste Ramoshis and Dhangars.
• The outcome was a type of social banditry, with the dacoits given shelter by the peasants. 

• The British presence inhibited indigenous capitalism not just through occasional grossly discriminatory tariff and excise policies directed against the Bombay industry, but through a whole variety of structural constraints.
• Behind a facade of laissez-faire, government policies often actively promoted European enterprise (railways under the guarantee system, and the allotment of vast tracts of land to Assam tea planters at nominal prices, would be two obvious examples) while discriminating against Indians. 
• The railway network and freightrates encouraged traffic with ports as against that between inland centres. 
• The organized moneymarket was largely under white control, the only two major Indian banks before 1914 being the Punjab National and the Bank of India. 
• Most significant of all perhaps was the fact that nineteenth-century Indian economic growth was largely geared to export needs, and the British controlled the bulk of the external trade of the country through their Exchange Banks, exportimport firms and shipping concerns.
• The white 'collective monopoly' came earliest and remained most pronounced in eastern India.
• Indian merchants (particularly but not solely Parsis) of western India, in contrast, had always retained a 'toe-hold' on overseas commerce with China and elsewhere, largely because British political control came much later there (necessitating a greater dependence on Indian collaborators) and was somewhat less pervasive. 
• 'Native' political power in western India was formidable till the collapse of the Marathas in 1818, and the patchwork of native states which survived even afterwards contrasts sharply with the map of Bengal. 
• The Bombay hinterland was difficult to penetrate before the construction of railways, and had no indigo, tea or coal—the
• early targets of British interest.

• Though railways comprised the single biggest item in British capital investment in India, much of the burden was shifted to the Indian tax-payer through the guaranteed interest system, by which the government paid a minimum dividend even if profits were non-existent. 
• This had involved the payment of more than £ 50 million by 1900. The whole peculiar system of 'private investment at public risk' inevitably involved wasteful construction and operation—a standard and quite justified nationalist complaint. The network was entirely geared to British commercial and strategic needs, and Indian businessmen often complained of discriminatory freight charges.
• Above all, the normal 'multiplier' effects of railway investment were largely absent.
• The bulk of railway equipment was imported from England, and the development of ancillary engineering industries consequently remained very inadequate—only about 700 locomotives, for instance, were indigenously produced in the entire pre-independence period.
• As late as 1921, only 10% of the superior posts in the railways were manned by Indians, so the diffusion of new skills remained limited while a substantial part of the income generated through railway investment leaked out abroad. 

• R.P. Dutt's India Today, which still remains in some ways the best over-all analysis of the Indian colonial economy nearly forty years after its first publication, developed some of the insights and stray comments of Marx into a theory of three successive phases of British exploitation of our country. 
• The first, 'mercantilist' phase, from 1757 up to 1813, was marked by direct plunder and the East India Company's monopoly trade, functioning through the 'investment' of surplus revenues in the purchase, often at arbitrarily low prices, of Indian (primarily Bengal) finished goods for export to England and Europe.
• The Industrial Revolution in England dramatically changed the whole pattern of trade, and the years from 1813 to 1858 saw the classic age of freetrader industrial capitalist exploitation, converting India rapidly into a market for Manchester textiles and a source for raw materials, uprooting her traditional handicrafts—a period when 'the home-land of cotton was inundated with cotton'. 
• (Marx) From the latter half of the nineteenth century onwards, finance-imperialism began to entrench itself in India through some export of capital and a massive chain of British-controlled banks, export-import firms and managing agency houses.

• Warren Hastings (1772-1785) setup the District Fauzdari Adalats and District Diwani Adalats to try criminal disputes and civil disputes respectively.
• William Bentinck abolished the four Circuit Courts and their functions transferred to collectors under the supervision of the commissioner of revenue and circuit.

• Vernacular Press Act, 1878 was designed to better control the vernacular press and to empower the Government with more effective means of punishing and repressing seditious writings.
• It was on the background of growth of vernacular press on an unprecedented scale since 1857 and its criticism towards government’s policies have been increased. To control the criticism made by vernacular press on famine, imperial durbar, this Act was introduced.
• This Act empowered a District Magistrate to call upon the printer and the publisher of any vernacular newspaper to enter into a bond undertaking not to publish anything likely to incite feelings of disaffection against the government.

• James Thomson, lieutenant-governor of Northwest Provinces (1843- 53), developed a comprehensive scheme of village education through the medium of vernacular languages.
• In these village schools, useful subjects such as mensuration and agriculture sciences were taught. The purpose was to train personnel for the newly set up Revenue and Public Works Department.

• According to the doctrine, the adopted son could be the heir to his foster father’s private property, but not the state. It was for the paramount power (the British) to decide whether to bestow the state on the adopted son or to annex it.
• Those states which, directly or indirectly, were created by the English would not be allowed to adopt heirs to their throne.
• Independent states which were not under the control of the British were free to adopt their heirs.

• The Dutch founded their first factory in Masaulipatam in Andhra Pradesh in 1605 and Fort Geldria in Pulicat in 1610.
• The main commercial interest of Dutch lay not in India but in the spice Islands of Indonesia. They had no dream to establishing an Empire India.
• They were defeated by English in the Battle of Chinsura or Biderra on 1759.

• Though absolute ownership of the land is vested with monarchy, zamindars have given the ownership rights till they fail to collect the rental income as per the settlement.
• They can bequeath their property to their heirs.
• Sun-set law of Permanent settlement emphasizes upon the strict payment of revenue to the State otherwise they lose the ownership of the land and lead to sale of zamindari.
• Initially it was successful in collecting the revenue but later due to stringent sun-set laws, sub-infeudation, the state has proved to be great loser in financial terms.
• Most of the landlords did not take any interest in the improvements of the land but were merely interested in extracting the maximum possible rent from the ryot.
• The cultivator being under the constant fear of ejectment, had no incentive to improve the land.

• The Asiatic Society was founded by Sir William Jones on 15 January 1784 at the Fort William in Calcutta.

• In the third Carnatic war, Battle of Wandiwash (1760), EIC under Sir Eyre Coot won over French under Count de Lally and Treaty of Paris was signed.
• Eyre Coot was given the title “Hero of Wandiwash”.

• Battle of Plassey - Nawab Siraj ud-Daulah

• The revolt was under the leadership of Digambar Biswas and Bishnu Biswas, ex-employees of a planter, they gave up indigo cultivation.

• Sayyid Ahmed had always stressed the need to import Western education to upper-class Muslims as Muslims, and to thus foster in them a sense of corporate unity. 
• His programme dovetailed neatly with the aims of the new British policy as formulated by Hunter's Indian Mussulmans, commissioned by Mayo in 1871: the British should help to 'develop a rising generation of Muhammedans - . . tinctured with the sober and genial knowledge of the West. 
• At the same time they would have a sufficient acquaintance with their religious code to command the respect of their own community . . . .' 
• Aligarh consequently got a quite unusual amount of British patronage, including a personal donation of Rs 10,000 from the Viceroy, Lord Northbrooke. 

• Many educated Indians did their best to extend education through starting private schools and colleges in their home towns or villages.
• With the cutting-down of government aid to higher education following the recommendations of the Hunter Commission (1882), this was in fact the principal way in which education spread in India. 
• The number of private unaided colleges went up from 11 to 53 between 1881-82 and 1901-02. It should also be remembered that the first bill to make primary education compulsory (and free for families earning less than Rs 10 a month) was moved in the Imperial Council by G.K. Gokhale in 1911, and was rejected by the official majority.

• Among administrative reforms, pride of place went to the demand for Indianization of services through simultaneous ICS examinations in England and India—a demand raised not really just to satisfy the tiny elite who could hope to get into the ICS, as has been sometimes argued, but connected with much broader themes. 
• Indianization was advocated as a blow against racism; it would also reduce the drain of wealth in so far as much of the fat salaries and pensions enjoyed by white officials were being remitted to England, as well as help to make administration more responsive to Indian needs. 
• Other administrative demands included separation of the judiciary, extension of trial by jury, repeal of the Arms Act, higher jobs in the army for Indians, and the raising of an Indian volunteer force—demands which evidently combined pleas for racial equality with a concern for civil rights.